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The neo-liberal consensus itself is a set of four consensuses, which we shall explore, out of which others develop and will also be mentioned.This consensus has become relatively weakened today by virtue of both the rising conflicts within the hegemonic camp and the resistance which has been led by the subordinate or anti-hegemonic camp to such an extent that the present period has already been termed the post-Washington Consensus.
Nowadays only small wars exist, many of which are of low intensity and almost always on the periphery of the world system.
In any case, the core countries, through various mechanisms (selective intervention, manipulation of international aid, control via the external debt) have the means to keep these focuses for instability under control.
In the last three decades transnational interactions have intensified dramatically, from the globalisation of production systems and financial transfers to the worldwide dissemination of information and images through the media, or the mass movements of people, whether as tourists or migrant workers or refugees.
The extraordinary range and depth of these transnational interactions have led some authors to view them as a rupture with previous forms of cross-border interactions, a new phenomena termed “globalisation” (Featherstone, 1990; Giddens, 1990; Albrow and King, 1990), “global formation” (Chase-Dunn, 1991), “global culture” (Appadurai, 1990, 1997; Robertson, 1992), “global system” (Sklair, 1991), “global modernity” (Featherstone et al., 1995), “global process” (Friedman, 1994), “globalisation cultures” (Jameson and Miyoshi, 1998) or “global cities” (Sassen, 1991, 1994; Fortuna, 1997).
For the Lisbon Group, globalisation is a phase which follows after internationalisation and multinationalisation since, unlike them, it heralds the end of the national system as the central nucleus for organized human activities and strategies (Grupo de Lisboa, 1994).
A review of studies on the processes of globalisation reveals that we are facing a multifaceted phenomenon containing economic, social, political, cultural, religious and legal dimensions, all interlinked in complex fashion.Without denying the importance of this, I believe that it is also necessary to pay equal attention to its social, political and cultural dimensions.Referring to the dominant characteristics of globalisation may convey the idea that globalisation is not only a linear process but also a process of consensus.This central idea is that we are entering into a period in which deep political rifts are disappearing.The imperialist rivalries between the hegemonic countries, which in the XX century have provoked two world wars, have disappeared, giving rise to interdependence between the great powers, cooperation and regional integration.Moreover, it interacts in very diverse ways with other, parallel transformations in the world system, such as the dramatic rise in inequality between rich and poor countries and between the rich and the poor inside each country, overpopulation, environmental disaster, ethnic conflicts, international mass migration, the emergence of new states and the collapse or decline of others, the proliferation of civil wars, globally organized crime, formal democracy as a political condition for international aid, etc.Before offering an interpretation of contemporary globalisation, I will briefly describe its dominant characteristics, from an economic, political and cultural perspective.However, over and above all its internal divisions, the hegemonic camp acts on the basis of the consensus of its most influential members.It is this consensus that not only confers on globalisation its dominant characteristics, but also legitimizes them as the only ones possible or appropriate.3) where does this increasing intensification of globalisation lead?In the debates surrounding globalisation there is a strong tendency to reduce it to purely economic dimensions.